In one study, Noll has been following a group of 90 sexually abused females, as well as 90 matched comparison females, all of whom were recruited by scientists at the National Institutes of Health in the late 1980s, when the participants were around 10 years old (Noll joined the project in 1995). The women now are entering their late 30s and early 40s. Among many other health measures, Noll has been tracking the participants' cognitive abilities by conducting memory, reasoning, and vocabulary assessments over the years.
"We are beginning to see premature cognitive aging and early signs of cognitive decline, although none of these women have even reached the age of 45," she says. "These findings are consistent with what we believe to be the later-life manifestations of early brain maldevelopment and evidence for the neurobiological consequence of early and chronic stress."
Noll also has been measuring the women's body mass and has found that 42 percent of the abused females were obese by late adolescence, while only 28 percent (the national average) of the comparison group were obese. Noll suspects that, perhaps as a result of the high rates of obesity, the abused women may also exhibit higher rates of diabetes, high blood pressure, heart problems, and cancer. She is currently investigating those possible health outcomes.
In addition, Noll's work has shown that sexual abuse victims are more likely to suffer from depression and substance abuse problems, to be raped in late adolescence and early adulthood, and to experience domestic violence.
"The abused girls are two-to-three times more likely to be revictimized than the comparison girls," says Noll.
Crossing generations
Perhaps even more disturbing than the pain these women continue to experience is the suffering that is passed on to their offspring. According to Noll, 20 percent -- twice the national average -- of the abused women in her sample gave birth to premature babies. Noll's data suggest that the premature status of these babies is due to the abused mothers' high cortisol levels as a result of stress and/or alcohol abuse during pregnancy.
In addition, as the children of abused mothers age, they are more likely to enter child protective services, to score significantly lower on cognitive ability tests than children of comparison mothers, and to suffer from sexual or physical abuse.
"Typically, it isn't the mom who goes on to abuse the kids," says Noll. "That's the myth that I've been able to dispel with this study. More often, there's an environment that's recreated wherein kids are put at risk for being exploited by other people who have been brought into that family system, or the mother is neglectful. Because we've followed this sample for so long, we have some of the only data on how the abuse experience of the mother confers risk to her offspring."
Noll's data show definitively that childhood sexual abuse has long-term health and wellness impacts, but do the frequency, severity, or age at onset of abuse also have effects?
"It's very difficult for us to put a judgment on how people interpret their traumatic experiences," says Noll. "One traumatic experience may be pretty severe for one person, while another person may have had really severe and repeated trauma that does not impact them much. It's very individual. The outcome often has to do with how resilient the victims are. Anecdotally, those who were able to remove themselves from the situation, who were able to find solace in a strong female role model or in religion, or who just had the kind of personality that allows them to say, 'This abuse is not going to define me or stop me,' tend to do better. One definitive thing our data show is that the girls who did not experience physical threats, but instead had a lot of confusion about what their role was in the relationship, do the worst long-term."